A young political loyalist has landed a national security leadership role that traditionally demands years of specialized experience.

Thomas Fugate, a 22-year-old recent graduate with seemingly no background in counterterrorism, was appointed last month by the Donald Trump administration to lead the Center for Prevention Programs and Partnerships (CP3) at the Department of Homeland Security. The move has raised alarm among experts as CP3 plays a key role in preventing hate-fueled violence and extremism.

Fugate graduated magna cum laude from the University of Texas at San Antonio last year with a degree in politics and law. He used to work at a grocery store and as a gardener, but his professional career trajectory took off, beginning with a role as a special assistant in a Homeland Security immigration office

In May, that position was expanded to include leadership of CP3, the government’s main platform for terrorism prevention, which oversees an $18 million grant program to help communities counter radicalization and targeted violence.

His appointment came weeks after the resignation of former CP3 Director Bill Braniff, an Army veteran with over 20 years of national security experience.

Braniff had been defending the office’s impact up until his departure, highlighting CP3’s funding of over 1,100 initiatives since 2020 aimed at identifying violent extremism and intervening before attacks occur.

His resignation marked the beginning of deep staffing cuts and restructuring that slashed CP3’s workforce from around 80 to fewer than 20 employees. Fugate’s name surfaced gradually, catching the attention of terrorism prevention professionals and CP3 grantees, many of whom were unfamiliar with him.

They found no security experience listed on his now-deleted LinkedIn profile, where he appeared as a sharply dressed young man with a U.S. flag pin and no relevant employment in the field. According to the profile, his main leadership credential was serving as secretary general of a college Model United Nations club.

One counterterrorism researcher remarked, “Maybe he’s a wunderkind. […] But that’s not likely the case.” They added that the appointment “sounds like putting the intern in charge.”

A senior Homeland Security official told the outlet, ProPublica, that Fugate was given the CP3 leadership role “due to his success” in his prior position and credited his “work ethic.” The Independent and the Daily Mail have also confirmed this information.

The department did not directly respond to questions about his qualifications or the scope of his authority. ProPublica also reached out to Fugate, the White House, and CP3 employees, but no one agreed to speak on the record.

Fugate’s rise appears closely tied to his political allegiance. His now-private Instagram documents a clear devotion to President Donald Trump, beginning at age 13 when he declared the politician a man with “the capacity for real and lasting change.”

Starting in college, he’s consistently involved himself in GOP activities, like interning for Texas lawmakers and trying to become a delegate at the Republican National Convention. He even secured an alternate position and celebrated Trump’s last birthday in Florida with Club 47, posting, “I truly wish I could say more about what I’m doing, but more to come soon!”

Photos also showed him on the campaign trail, attending events in Washington, and posing with Republican figures like Ben Carson and Matt Gaetz.

In July, he appeared at the Republican National Convention wearing a cowboy hat with the Texas delegation. By late summer, he was seen standing behind Trump during campaign events, later writing, “Working alongside a dedicated, driven group of folks, we faced every challenge head-on and, together, celebrated a victorious outcome.”

Critics suggest Fugate’s loyalty to Trump played a key role in his appointment to CP3, despite his lack of expertise. In conversations among Homeland Security staff and grantees, two theories have emerged.

One suggests the administration handed a low-functioning office to a young ally for résumé building, while the other alleges Fugate was installed as a political “minder” to steer resources toward favored causes such as border enforcement and conservative law enforcement agencies.

DHS did not comment on either interpretation. However, CP3’s scope has noticeably shifted. Where it once concentrated on far-right extremism and domestic threats, its focus now includes drug cartels. Homeland Security insiders say this pivot reflects an overarching message that border security is now the agency’s top mission.

Several terrorism prevention initiatives have been handed off to state governments, and the administration has rejected accusations of neglect.

In an email, Trump administration spokesperson Abigail Jackson wrote, “The notion that this single office is responsible for preventing terrorism is not only incorrect, it’s ignorant.”

But officials who previously worked in the department say the White House is retreating from one of DHS’s founding missions.

“We’re entering very dangerous territory,” said one longtime U.S. counterterrorism official. “If you cut the staff and there are major attacks that lead to a reconsideration, you can’t scale up staff once they’re fired.”

Since April, the U.S. has witnessed at least five high-profile attacks. An arson attack targeted Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro, followed days later by a shooting at Florida State University that left two dead and six wounded.

The shooter had ties to white supremacist ideology. In May, a car bombing at a California fertility clinic killed the perpetrator, who left behind an anti-natalist screed.

Days later, a gunman reportedly influenced by the war in Gaza killed two Israeli Embassy aides in Washington. In June, a firebombing at a Colorado event in support of Israeli hostages injured 12 people, including a Holocaust survivor. Federal hate crime charges were filed.

These incidents have intensified scrutiny on CP3 and its readiness under Fugate’s stewardship. Though DHS’s budget request to Congress recommended ending the terrorism prevention grant program—saying it “does not align with DHS priorities”—the CP3 website still highlights the grants as essential.

Internally, staff have hinted at the possibility of another funding cycle, leaving the future of the program in limbo. For those who have worked with CP3, Fugate’s leadership symbolizes more than political favor—it reflects a broader institutional decline.

A grant recipient described the shift away from data-driven policy as “an insult” that undermines years of work aimed at moving beyond stigmatizing models that disproportionately targeted Muslim communities.

“They really started to shift the conversation and shift the public thinking,” the grantee said. “It was starting to get to the root of the problem. Now that’s all gone.”

The administration’s internal decisions have also had chilling effects on staff. Employees reportedly fear retaliation and have avoided speaking publicly, citing alleged lie-detector tests and internal investigations ordered by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.

Fugate himself has remained silent, and his Instagram bio includes a Thomas Jefferson quote: “I prefer dangerous freedom over peaceful slavery.”

A former DHS official summed up the growing concern, not with Fugate personally, but with the precedent his appointment sets. “The big story here is the undermining of democratic institutions,” the official said. “Who’s going to volunteer to be the next civil servant if they think their supervisor is an apparatchik?”